Le Front de Libération de Macina ?
Of course I, as a hotel owner in the region, have every reason to play down something like this and I am aware that my opinion is unlikely to be taken seriously . Nevertheless, I will add my little dissenting voice to the overwhelming clamour of the MINUSMA specialists and the Human Rights Watch people, who write their reports mostly from the safety and comfort of Bamako.
The facts are the following: reports of violence in the area of central
Mali since January 2015 have increased in the region of Mopti and Segou, and
localities such as Nampala, Tenenkou, Boulkessi, Dogofri and Morha have been repeatedly attacked.
Ban Ki Moon has said in a recent statement: « an
intensification of extremist activity has been signalled in the
previously spared regions of Segou and Mopti.”
But his statement , those of RFI and of all other commentators make the fundamental mistake of not pointing out - either by ignorance or by expedience- that the regions of Mopti and Segou have the geographical dividing line of the river Niger running through them: all the large cities and administration centres are situated to the east of the river Niger and they follow the main road leading to the north i.e. Segou, San, Bla, Mopti, Djenné, Sevaré, Mopti. The eastern regions also include the entire Dogon country. These are the regions that have 'been spared' and they still are.
ALL of these attacks have been perpetuated to the west of the river Niger.The western parts of
the regions of Segou a.d Mopti – that part which lies towards the Mauritanian border have continued to be the target of attacks
either by bandits or by elements that have fled from the northern extremist
groups since the French dislodged them in 2013. This glaring fact has not been
pointed out by any one of the commentators. I would like to draw attention to my blogs of March
29 and 30 and April 1st 2013; ,(‘Murky Waters’, Attack on Mourha’) amongst others which highlights this very
problem. It is therefore not a new phenomenon, and it is misleading to describe
it as such. Some of the commentators are here on six month contracts. I
boast the advantage of having observed, over the last years, from a position of
central Mali, the events that unfold in close proximity to me.But his statement , those of RFI and of all other commentators make the fundamental mistake of not pointing out - either by ignorance or by expedience- that the regions of Mopti and Segou have the geographical dividing line of the river Niger running through them: all the large cities and administration centres are situated to the east of the river Niger and they follow the main road leading to the north i.e. Segou, San, Bla, Mopti, Djenné, Sevaré, Mopti. The eastern regions also include the entire Dogon country. These are the regions that have 'been spared' and they still are.
Certain commentators have indicated that the local
administration in these localities have fled and one source even mentioned that
some prefects have withdrawn to
Djenné. The truth is that the Sou- Prefect of Morha (west of the Niger) did ‘withdraw’ to Djenné in order to report on the situation
and on the recent violence in Morha to the Prefect here. He then returned to
his post. The regions to the west of the Niger have had less of an administration presence since colonial times. Certain of these localities
such as Morha rely on the gendarmerie and the higher ranks of administration of
larger localities on the eastern side of the river Niger to resolve many incidents (see blog 'Attack on Morha' 1st April 2013).
All this does not mean that there has not been an
increase in violence: this part is unfortunately true. But please do label
things properly! Please make the fundamental distinction between the east and west side of the
river Niger: the river itself exercises a geographical barrier that is extremely important: the extremist groups are not waterborn- or have not been so far. No incidents have happened in the areas east of the river- this is because the terrorist elements are in the main not local: they come from their hiding places towards the border of Mauritania, they do their destructive raids and then they disappear again into the wilderness- on the east side they would have nowhere to go.
And what about this mysterious ‘Front of the
Liberation of Macina?’ Sekou Amadou Barry was the religious reformer whose Fulani Empire of Macina was established the region in the middle of
the 19th century with a
religious fervor which can be described as the fore runner of today’s extremist Islam . An iconoclast, he is
responsible for the destruction of the Great Mosque of Djenné which had stood here since the 14th century,
but which was too ornate for his liking so he built another simpler one on a
nearby site. The present mosque was built on the ruins of the old and completed in 1907.
Think tank reports are seeing a connection
between a charismatic preacher, Hamadou
Koufa, whose DAWA sect of Wahabi persuasion has links with Iyad Ag Ghali’s
(above) Ançar Dine. They are suspected to be the
masterminds behind this ‘Front de Liberation de Macina’ which is
supposed to be made up of Fulani who hank for the return of the glory
days of the 19th century when the Empire of Macina ruled their
world. Is this true? ‘It is a compelling narrative,’ as a clever young diplomat
friend in Bamako so trendily expressed it to me the other day. Indeed, and it is possibly a
scheme masterminded by the likes of Iyad ag Ghali as a means of whipping up
support amongst a poor and disgruntled population. And there is apparently a small group of Fulani who have been recruited. But the present threat of this organisation is hugely exaggerated, and whatever is going on right now it is a stepping up of violence on the WESTERN shores
of the Niger.
Since it seems that this blog post is still getting some readership, I feel it has to be edited. Although I still believe I was correct in my theory of the relative safety of the Eastern shores of the Niger at the time of the writing, this is of course now sadly no longer true, and groups of bandits, sometimes claiming to be members of the Macina group, are attacking civilians and military personnel in random locations in central Mali.
There was also the destruction of Sekou Amadou Barry's mausoleum at Hamdallay, a destructive act which was claimed by the Macina group: this at the time seemed contradictory: why should adherents to the group that reveres his memory destroy the grave of their hero? But of course Sekou Amadou himself would have been against the buildings of mausoleums to revere the dead, but he had no control over what happened to his own body once he died.
As far as Djenné is concerned, it is still untouched by any violence, and this has been so since the beginning of the crisis. This does not prevent all the foreign office warning sites to place it well out of bounds for travel. UN personnel and the French Barkhane forces as well as all diplomats are forbidden to travel to Djenné although they are in Sevaré (site of the recent hotel siege) and in Mopti in great numbers. This remains a great mystery to everyone in Djenné and a great sadness to those in the tourism industry which is now non-existent for many years in Djenné, while many in the hotel and restaurant industry in places like Bamako, Sevaré and even Timbuktu are not only surviving but making an excellent living particularly from the affluent UN contingent.